first obtaining
authorization from Congress.
It would also
strengthen President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s position in
It would further isolate us with regard to world affairs.
Sen. Sanders expresses
concern that President Bush may be planning for war against Iran
It would also
strengthen President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s position in It would further isolate us with regard to world affairs. The preceding story was provided by the office of U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders (Return to top) |
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KANSAS CITY, Missouri (Press Release)—In a speech today to the national convention of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, U.S. President George W. Bush drew an analogy between the War in Iraq and the World War II fight between Japan and the United States. A partial transcript of his speech follows: I want to open today's speech with a story that begins on a sunny morning, when thousands of Americans were murdered in a surprise attack -- and our nation was propelled into a conflict that would take us to every corner of the globe. The enemy who attacked us despises freedom, and harbors resentment at the slights he believes America and Western nations have inflicted on his people. He fights to establish his rule over an entire region. And over time, he turns to a strategy of suicide attacks destined to create so much carnage that the American people will tire of the violence and give up the fight. If this story sounds familiar, it is -- except for one thing. The enemy I have just described is not al Qaeda, and the attack is not 9/11, and the empire is not the radical caliphate envisioned by Osama bin Laden. Instead, what I've described is the war machine of Imperial Japan in the 1940s, its surprise attack on Pearl Harbor, and its attempt to impose its empire throughout East Asia. Ultimately, the United States prevailed in World War II, and we have fought two more land wars in Asia. And many in this hall were veterans of those campaigns. Yet even the most optimistic among you probably would not have foreseen that the Japanese would transform themselves into one of America's strongest and most steadfast allies, or that the South Koreans would recover from enemy invasion to raise up one of the world's most powerful economies, or that Asia would pull itself out of poverty and hopelessness as it embraced markets and freedom. The lesson from Asia's development is that the heart's desire for liberty will not be denied. Once people even get a small taste of liberty, they're not going to rest until they're free. Today's dynamic and hopeful Asia -- a region that brings us countless benefits -- would not have been possible without America's presence and perseverance. It would not have been possible without the veterans in this hall today. And I thank you for your service. (Applause.) (Jump to continuation) (Return to top)
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WASHINGTON, DC (Press Release) – Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Joseph R. Biden, Jr. (Democrat, Delaware) issued the following statement today after President Bush’s speech at the Annual Convention for the Veterans of Foreign Wars: "President Bush continues to cling to a fundamentally flawed premise – that Iraqis will rally behind a strong central government. That will not happen. There’s no trust within the Iraqi government; no trust of the government by the Iraqi people; no capacity of that government to deliver security or services; and no prospect that it will build that trust or capacity any time soon. Unless Iraq moves towards a federal system that gives the warring factions breathing room, we will end up trading a dictator for chaos that will set back our national security interests for a generation. President Bush today attempted to draw an analogy to Vietnam, but in fact it’s the President’s policies that are pushing us toward another Saigon moment – with helicopters fleeing the roof of our embassy – which he says he wants to avoid. “The President also continues to play the American people for fools – conflating the terrorists of 9/11 with Al Qaeda in Iraq today. Al Qaeda in Iraq didn't exist before we invaded – it is a Bush fulfilling prophecy.”
The preceding story was provided by the
office of Senator Joseph Biden
(Return to top)
U.N. envoy meets with Israeli and Palestinian leaders
Michael Williams, UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, met Israeli President Shimon Peres and Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad today, a day after holding discussions with Israeli Vice Premier Haim Ramon. Tomorrow he is scheduled to meet Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, UN spokesperson Michele Montas told reporters. The Quartet—comprising the UN, the European Union, Russia and the United States— agreed at a summit in Lisbon, Portugal, last month to meet again in September as part of efforts to “provide diplomatic support for the parties in their bilateral discussions and negotiations in order to move forward on a successful path to a Palestinian State.”
Ms. Montas said
Mr. Williams had also held talks during this trip to the
region with officials from the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF)
and the country's Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the
implementation of Security Council resolution 1701,
which ended last year's war between the IDF and
Hizbollah in neighbouring Lebanon.
JERUSALEM (Press
Release)—Since Israel disengaged from the Gaza Strip in
August 2005, 1,964 missiles have been
fired into Israeli territory from Gaza . Rocket fire from the Gaza Strip continues as the preferred modus operandi of the Palestinian terrorist organizations. Most of the rockets are locally manufactured and have an approximate maximum range of 9 kilometers (6 miles), although some have a range of 12.5 kilometers (7 ¾ miles). In addition, also launched were a number of standard 122 mm rockets with a range of 20.4 kilometers (12 2/3 miles) which had been smuggled into the Gaza Strip. Since the disengagement there has been a sharp increase in the number of rockets launched at the western Negev. (Until the disengagement, massive rocket fire was aimed at the Israeli settlements in the Gaza Strip.) The preferred targets during 2006 were the city of Sderot and civilians living in settlements in the western Negev, although attempts we made to launch rockets as far away as Ashkelon. In 2006, 861 rockets were fired at population centers in the western Negev, as compared with 222 in 2005 and 268 in 2004 (not including rockets fired at Israeli settlements inside the Gaza Strip). In May 2007, Palestinians launched some 300 Kassam rockets from Gaza at Sderot and the western Negev. Hamas openly claimed responsibility for the attack. The preceding story was provided by Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs
By Dor Blech
JERUSALEM
(Press Release)—The water exercise of the elite 'Yael'
unit, which trains soldiers to maneuver around obstacles
in water, takes place over approximately two and a half
weeks. The exercise brings roughly a year and a half of
training to a close. equipment and mounted forces through water safely, while keeping a careful watch on the equipment on board. "Throughout the exercise, the soldiers learn to identify obstacles in the water, to categorize them, and to overcome them."
The
soldiers of Yael enlist at first to the combat
Engineering Corps, where they have the option of joining
the trial march for the Yahalom unit a few weeks later.
Only a select few pass and are sent to the elite unit.
They go through basic training with the regular Combat
Engineering soldiers in the Combat Engineering School.
"The second stage, where the soldiers go through a command course and are trained as squad commanders, provides an encompassing and solid basis," adds Major Nahari. This stage focuses on different types of explosives, such as mines and IEDs. In addition, an emphasis is placed on teaching academic and practical classes on the difference between the various different types of armaments. Towards the end of the stage, Yahalom soldiers go through warfare and command exercises.
At the
conclusion of the stage, the soldiers of the unit split
up into the various specializations of Yahalom. These
are: 'Samur', the unit charged with protection against
explosive tunnels and tunnels for smuggling terrorists.
As well as 'Yahsap', which is responsible for detonating
bombs and neutralizing IEDs, 'Midron Mushlag', which
specializes in non-explosive breaching, 'Habazak', the
robotics specialists, and of course 'Yael'. The preceding story was provided by the Israel Defense Force
HOLON, Israel (Press Release)—Last month, bar mitzvah boy Omri Attia was called up to the Torah for the first time, at the Western Wall. His faced wreathed in smiles, with tefillin (phylacteries) adorning his head and right arm, Omri's voice rang our resoundingly as he made the traditional brachot on the Torah. His hand on his head to keep his kippa from falling off Omri matter-of-factly commented: "I don't have hair to keep my kippa on my head." Omri went up to the Wall, where he placed a note asking G-d for "a complete recovery for the entire Jewish people." Omri, who lives in Holon with his parents and two brothers, recently finished seventh grade. But he will not be entering eighth grade when school starts in September. Instead, he will be fighting for his life.
Last year Omri began experiencing severe headaches. A
blood test revealed that the boy had been struck by
leukemia. In January, he was hospitalized at Schneider
Children's Hospital in Petach Tikvah. Unfortunately,
the treatment has not succeeded in beating the disease.
Doctors have advised that a stem cell transplant from a
genetically compatible donor offers the only chance to
save Omri's life. In a race against time, campaigns to find a suitable donor have been conducted on IDF bases and at Bar Ilan and Tel Aviv University campuses. The more people that undergo blood testing, the greater the chance is of finding a match for Omri! All those that are tested will be added to the Bone Marrow Donor Registry, where they will be on call to save the lives of sick people the world over.
The cost of testing each blood sample is $60. You can
help realize Omri's wish to grow up by sponsoring the
cost of laboratory testing for potential stem cell
donors. Your contribution
could save his life and the lives of so many others who
are waiting…hoping…praying for their match to be found.
Reform
Jews mourn Yazidi victims; urge
WASHINGTON, DC (Press
Release) – In response to last week’s tragic bombings in
Qahataniya and Jazeera, Iraq, Rabbi David Saperstein,
Director of the Religious Action Center of Reform
Judaism, issued the following statement: (Return to top) Israeli commentator sees radical and moderate realignment politically reshaping Middle East
WASHINGTON, D.C. (Press
Release)—Avi Issacharoff,
a reporter for the
Israeli newspaper
Ha’aretz, spoke
to a Capitol Hill
audience to discuss
Palestinian internal
politics and the
situation in the Gaza
Strip after Hamas’
violent takeover.
JERUSALEM (Press
Release)—A
first-of-its-kind
administration, one that
will allow young
volunteers to perform
national service in a
civilian framework, was
established August 19
in the Prime Minister's
office. The
Administration will
regulate the community
volunteering issue,
effectively allowing
those young people not
serving in the IDF for
various reasons to
contribute their part to
the State by performing
community activity.
Volunteering for
National Service is
through various
associations which refer
the seekers to other
institutions. The
current plan is to add
500 additional
volunteers each year and
allow them to volunteer
in a variety of
institutions such as:
geriatric care, or care
for people with various
disabilities, hospitals,
the law courts, schools,
and even helping to
prevent traffic
accidents, and raising
awareness regarding
environmental protection
issues.
In an effort to provide
as broad a spectrum of
possibilities as
possible, it was decided
that Arab youth wanting
to join the national
service will be allowed
to volunteer in their
own communities, an
option that is certain
to increase their desire
to join the project.
Today there are about
10,000 people
volunteering for
National Service, the
vast majority of whom
are religious girls
helping in the education
system, mostly as
teachers-soldiers. Also,
there are about 300
Arabs volunteering to
the law courts, health
clinics, and other such
institutions.
With the establishment
of the Administration,
it will be possible for
more youth to volunteer
to the service, doing so
in a civilian and not a
military framework,
giving both Arabs and
religious Jews the
opportunity to
contribute more to the
community.
Volunteers, whose
activity will be
anchored in law, will
have to commit
themselves for at least
a year, during which
they will receive the
same benefits as
soldiers on the home
front. At the end of the
year, volunteers will
receive both a grant and
a trust.
Additionally, many
institutions will train
the volunteers for
professional work, thus
the volunteers will have
the benefit of finishing
their volunteering
period with a profession
and work experience.
This will increase the
possibility of their
being integrated into
society and in the work
force, as well as
provide a focus for
employment growth.
Prime Minister Ehud
Olmert hopes that
these measures will
advance Israeli society
towards equality and
allow those not able to
serve in the army to
contribute in a civilian
framework.
Nazi documents copies sent to Holocaust museums BAD AROLSEN, Germany (Press Release)—Israel’s Holocaust memorial institution Yad Vashem and other Holocaust museums, have received a first batch of digitalized copies of files documenting Nazi atrocities. The 12 million documents, containing files from more than 50 concentration camps, include transportation lists, medical reports and ‘death books’ listing the names of those who perished. The transfer to Yad Vashem and other Holocaust museums took place following a decision by the International Tracing Service (ITS), the custodian of the archive, to permit the transfer of material to other archives, so that they can prepare the groundwork for making the material available to the public. “These documents reflect the most despicable operations of the Nazi era and constitute an essential part of our archive,'' said ITS director Reto Meister. Digital copies of the files were also sent to the US Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington. The ITS is managed by the International Committee of the Red Cross and based in Bad Arolsen, Germany. Its huge archive documents the Nazi Holocaust. The transfer is part of an international agreement to open up the files to researchers and the wider public. The body is governed under a treaty signed in 1955 by Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Israel, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Poland, the United Kingdom and the United States. In 2006 the countries agreed to make the archive, which includes a total of 30 million documents, available to researchers. However, the files will not be open to the public until Italy, France and Greece have joined the other countries in ratifying that agreement. The preceding story was provided by the World Jewish Congress (Return to top) Attack on foreigners in Germany raises question whether xenophobia and racism are increasing
MÜGELN.
Germany (Press Release)—A vicious attack by 50
right-wing extremists against eight people of Indian
background in Germany has stirred public debate about a
rise of xenophobia and racism in the country. Stephan Kramer, the secretary-general of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, said that an "apparently dangerous situation" existed for foreigners in certain parts of the country. The authorities should warn foreigners not to settle in certain eastern German regions, Kramer told the online newspaper ‘Netzeitung’, adding that a long-running discussion about declaring ‘no-go’ areas should be revived. He underlined that this was not an hysterical response but "bitter reality." Kramer accused the German government of not presenting a coherent strategy in combating racism and xenophobia.
The preceding story was provided by the
World Jewish Congress
NEW YORK, N.Y. (Press Release)—A national task force sponsored by the American Jewish Committee is urging that a year of voluntary national service become the rule, not the exception, for young American adults, ages 18 to 25. The task force recommendations are detailed in its report, Imagining America: Making National Service a National Priority. "At least one year of full-time, intensive service, either military or civilian, should be the standard, not the exception," concludes the task force. The full report is available at www.ajc.org. "We want to invigorate the conversation so that our political leaders will partner with businesses and universities to make a solid investment in this effort," said Stephen Joel Trachtenberg, president emeritus of George Washington University, where he is now a professor of public service. Trachtenberg chaired the AJC-sponsored task force. "The goal is to enlist one million participants per year." The 30-member task force met over the course of the past year to assess the history of national service in the United States, existing programs such as AmeriCorps and the Peace Corps, and ways to greatly expand the national service efforts to make them available to a diverse group of young adults across the country. Task force members included leaders in business, education, politics and the not-for-profit service sector. "Service programs link the rights and privileges of being American with a clear sense of responsibility," states the report. "By helping to create habits of civic engagement in young people that last a lifetime, they provide benefits to both participants and society." Existing service programs receive more applicants than they can take, and they are not always able to provide the financial and other type of assistance to draw young adults from diverse backgrounds and with diverse abilities. A broad expansion of the national service concept will require a commitment of support from the nation's business, education and public sectors.
The task force is calling
on Democrats and Republicans to make a commitment to
civilian national service part of their party platforms.
Zajanckauskas
deported to
Lithuania
for Nazi
past The preceding story was provided by the World Jewish Congress (Return to top)
● Israel's Consulate General in Los Angeles forwards a story in today's Jerusalem Post in which Iran claims it has developed a 'smart' bomb that can be laser guided to a target from an aircraft. ● Bruce Kesler, who noted that a report by Mike Allen of The Politico that a new organization called Freedom's Watch is planning on purchasing $15 million in advertising to pressure Congress to support President George W. Bush's troop surge policy in Iraq. Among organizers are Bush's former press secretary Ari Fleischer and Matt Brooks, executive director of the Republican Jewish Coalition. JEWISH ELECTED OFFICIALS—California State Insurance Commissioner Steve Poizner announced the conviction on insurance fraud and sentencing to two years imprisonment of Manuel Carreon, 45, 0f Pomona. Poizner said while the man was receiving total disability payments for allegedly wrenching his back as a nurse, he continued to work as a carpenter.
{Marc Kligman, who combines being a sports agent with his life as an observant Jew, invites you to listen. Click on the ad above for more information}.
The Worlds of Lincoln Kirstein by Martin Duberman (Knopf, 2007); 723 pages, including, pictures, substantial “Notes and Sources.” 47 listed interviews, as well as complete index. SAN DIEGO—It may be a bit unusual to begin a book review by referring to a name which while mentioned in the book is not its primary focus. An entire generation of dance movers, shakers, makers, and lovers found the muse upon which they spent their energy through the art of Prima Ballerina Anna Pavlova. In the course of the estimated 500,000 miles Pavlova traveled in her years of touring she touched and changed the lives of people who became the next generation of dance luminaries; from Sir Frederick Ashton who saw her when he was 13 years old in Peru to a 13 year old Lincoln Kirstein who saw her in New York. Martin Duberman’s The Worlds of Lincoln Kirstein is yet another biography detailing a lifelong love which started by attending a performance of the legendary Pavlova. This publication about Kirstein comes in the year in which we celebrate the centenary of his birth: May 4, 1907.Ashton became the exquisite choreographer for the Royal Ballet in London – George Balanchine the quintessential choreographer and founder of the New York City Ballet. Each created an entire oeuvre of ballet – distinguished, iconic, and seminal. It was Kirstein who brought Balanchine to New York and enabled a lifetime of creation. Without Kirstein there is no Balanchine and no New York City Ballet. Lincoln Kirstein was the son of a Jewish Ashkenazi self-made wealthy father (Filene’s Department Store) who while not rigorously religiously observant, did strictly observe Judaism’s morality of involvement in social causes and proactive “healing the world” philosophy. In the course of his pursuit of these goals the father’s contacts reached all through community and government to include casual lunching with U.S. President Calvin Coolidge. Lincoln’s mother, Rose, while not involved with social action, was an influence on her three children within the family. It was she he took him to the ballet. From the beginning, Kirstein was the proverbial square peg in the round hole. There was no doubt in the minds of anyone who met him, from his earliest years, that he had a brilliant mind but some of the challenges that ordinary people surmount with an average amount of effort gave Kirstein a great deal of trouble. Passing tests in school, fitting into sports, maintaining adequate grades and the “normal” things that occupy boyhood, were not his métier. He knew he was different, didn’t try to be otherwise, and didn’t really care that the world around him applauded assimilation rather than exceptionalism. From the moment his eyes could discern light and shape, art was his world; art in almost any form and genre, but eventually dance and especially ballet. Reading, literature, poetry, drawing, painting, sculpture, drama, opera, music, décor, architecture, and dance; all were important to him. After several prep schools, some of which he flunked and some that shunted him aside because of his Jewish heritage, he entered Harvard – again after several attempts. It did not help that at the time under President A. Lawrence Lowell, Harvard was swiftly back pedaling away from enrolling entrants based solely upon merit which had resulted in a larger Jewish representation in the student body - to a new standard of entrance requirement “student character and personality,” which allowed the rejection of Jewish students without explanation. Kirstein ’s precociousness is evident in the thoughts and vocabulary of the journal he kept for many years. His description of people is well beyond the ordinary purview of an adolescent boy. He is from the outset attracted to his own gender, with intermittent interest in the opposite gender. Being a large boy and able to defend himself if necessary, he did not suffer the customary denigration youth heaps upon its own. While this orientation was an important facet of his life, I’m not sure it adds much to our knowledge of him, to read in detail of so many encounters, especially the casual ones. Merely stating the fact with details of the important relevant relationships would have been enough to inform the reader.By the time he was twenty-one, Kirstein, had already launched a literary magazine (with a paid staff) “Hound and Horn” and the “Harvard Society for Contemporary Art” which brought exhibitions of modern art to the Boston area, all the while getting basic passing grades as an undergraduate at Harvard. His energy level was enormous and his interests in full throttle as well as constant flux. While no one disputed his brilliance, it was an unfocused beam, scattered into many streams. The literary journal, editing, painting, sketching, writing an auto-biographical novel (and beginnings of a second one), co-writing with Romola Nijinska a biography of Russian ballet superstar Vaslav Nijinski, organizing modern art societies and exhibits, a full time party and social schedule and various other quite grandiose schemes and dreams kept him running from one project to another. His one constant goal was to do “something important.” Only when ballet claimed his attention, did his assets and energy find focus. Kirstein was a man of enormous appetites and interests – a virtual smorgasbord of ideas and projects bordering on the manic and in time did manifest itself as manic-depressive disorder – but which came first the non-stop activity or the activity non-stop is open to question. What is evident, however, are the real accomplishments: a world class ballet company, a world class ballet school, the enabling of one of the 20th century’s finest choreographers, scholarly books on several art forms (catalogued as “reference” in the public library), the artists he enabled, his participation in creating theater complexes such as Lincoln Center in New York City, museums, plays, drama, opera, paintings, exhibitions; he touched virtually every human form of art. At the height of his artistic ascendancy he sought enlistment in the U. S. Armed Forces during World War II and in one of the military’s more enlightened appointments he was assigned to be a member of a very select team to find, identify, preserve, transfer, and safeguard the art treasures the Nazis had looted across Europe. It was a singularly fortuitous partnership between his knowledge and his zeal with the need which helped to save the cultural heritage of an entire civilization. While one applauds the man, his vision and his accomplishments, this reader came away daunted by such an overwhelming personality; knowledge, dominating personality, absolutist opinions and an excoriating wit Like many others, had I met him I would have learned a lot from him, but probably been wounded in the process. One can’t help but be touched by the eventual and inevitable decline in health with the years; the image of Lincoln Kirstein trying just one final time to attend a performance of his beloved New York City Ballet but unable to muster the strength to enter the theater, standing behind a column in the plaza, crying, hiding, hoping no one would see him. Death finds him at home, in a darkened room, alone, so very unlike the life he led. This book could have done with a good deal of editing to capitalize on important events by eliminating unimportant and/or passing events which had little impact upon the whole. There are many detailed descriptions and biographical vignettes of figures whose association with Kirstein were short-lived. Extensive use was made by the author of Kirstein’s own day to day journal, and while it does give the reader a flavor of his thinking, not every day to day thought is important or even a permanent viewpoint of the diarist. Through it all runs the constant stream of Kirstein’s sexual appetites and proclivities. While sexuality is certainly an important component – and even to some extent a determining factor with whom we associate both casually and intensively - I couldn’t help but come away after reading this book, feeling that the refrain was too constant a concern of the author. The fact that Kirstein’s sister, Mina, told him that David Sarnoff got an erection while talking to her (page 108) or how many times (two) Lincoln had consensual adult sex with his brother – especially since it didn’t change any of the threads in their lives, or a recitation of sexual messages from bathroom walls in various men’s rooms, is really extraneous to the totality of his life. This kind of biographical minutia led to a general tedium with this particular theme in the book and the reader couldn’t help but conclude that it was the author who was immersed in the titillation of these details. And yet, I do recommend this book, warts and all. Disregard the overdone emphasis on sexual proclivity, the need for editing of much extraneous detail, and concentrate rather on the accomplishments of this truly extraordinary man without whom those who love art in all its varieties, but especially ballet, would be much, much poorer.
(Continued from above) There are many differences between the wars we fought in the Far East and the war on terror we're fighting today. But one important similarity is at their core they're ideological struggles. The militarists of Japan and the communists in Korea and Vietnam were driven by a merciless vision for the proper ordering of humanity. They killed Americans because we stood in the way of their attempt to force their ideology on others. Today, the names and places have changed, but the fundamental character of the struggle has not changed. Like our enemies in the past, the terrorists who wage war in Iraq and Afghanistan and other places seek to spread a political vision of their own -- a harsh plan for life that crushes freedom, tolerance, and dissent. Like our enemies in the past, they kill Americans because we stand in their way of imposing this ideology across a vital region of the world. This enemy is dangerous; this enemy is determined; and this enemy will be defeated. (Applause.) We're still in the early hours of the current ideological struggle, but we do know how the others ended -- and that knowledge helps guide our efforts today. The ideals and interests that led America to help the Japanese turn defeat into democracy are the same that lead us to remain engaged in Afghanistan and Iraq. The defense strategy that refused to hand the South Koreans over to a totalitarian neighbor helped raise up a Asian Tiger that is the model for developing countries across the world, including the Middle East. The result of American sacrifice and perseverance in Asia is a freer, more prosperous and stable continent whose people want to live in peace with America, not attack America. At the outset of World War II there were only two democracies in the Far East -- Australia and New Zealand. Today most of the nations in Asia are free, and its democracies reflect the diversity of the region. Some of these nations have constitutional monarchies, some have parliaments, and some have presidents. Some are Christian, some are Muslim, some are Hindu, and some are Buddhist. Yet for all the differences, the free nations of Asia all share one thing in common: Their governments derive their authority from the consent of the governed, and they desire to live in peace with their neighbors. Along the way to this freer and more hopeful Asia, there were a lot of doubters. Many times in the decades that followed World War II, American policy in Asia was dismissed as hopeless and naive. And when we listen to criticism of the difficult work our generation is undertaking in the Middle East today, we can hear the echoes of the same arguments made about the Far East years ago. In the aftermath of Japan's surrender, many thought it naive to help the Japanese transform themselves into a democracy. Then as now, the critics argued that some people were simply not fit for freedom. Some said Japanese culture was inherently incompatible with democracy. Joseph Grew, a former United States ambassador to Japan who served as Harry Truman's Under Secretary of State, told the President flatly that -- and I quote -- "democracy in Japan would never work." He wasn't alone in that belief. A lot of Americans believed that -- and so did the Japanese -- a lot of Japanese believed the same thing: democracy simply wouldn't work. Others critics said that Americans were imposing their ideals on the Japanese. For example, Japan's Vice Prime Minister asserted that allowing Japanese women to vote would "retard the progress of Japanese politics." It's interesting what General MacArthur wrote in his memoirs. He wrote, "There was much criticism of my support for the enfranchisement of women. Many Americans, as well as many other so-called experts, expressed the view that Japanese women were too steeped in the tradition of subservience to their husbands to act with any degree of political independence." That's what General MacArthur observed. In the end, Japanese women were given the vote; 39 women won parliamentary seats in Japan's first free election. Today, Japan's minister of defense is a woman, and just last month, a record number of women were elected to Japan's Upper House. Other critics argued that democracy -- (applause.) There are other critics, believe it or not, that argue that democracy could not succeed in Japan because the national religion -- Shinto -- was too fanatical and rooted in the Emperor. Senator Richard Russell denounced the Japanese faith, and said that if we did not put the Emperor on trial, "any steps we may take to create democracy are doomed to failure." The State Department's man in Tokyo put it bluntly: "The Emperor system must disappear if Japan is ever really to be democratic." Those who said Shinto was incompatible with democracy were mistaken, and fortunately, Americans and Japanese leaders recognized it at the time, because instead of suppressing the Shinto faith, American authorities worked with the Japanese to institute religious freedom for all faiths. Instead of abolishing the imperial throne, Americans and Japanese worked together to find a place for the Emperor in the democratic political system. And the result of all these steps was that every Japanese citizen gained freedom of religion, and the Emperor remained on his throne and Japanese democracy grew stronger because it embraced a cherished part of Japanese culture. And today, in defiance of the critics and the doubters and the skeptics, Japan retains its religions and cultural traditions, and stands as one of the world's great free societies. (Applause.) You know, the experts sometimes get it wrong. An interesting observation, one historian put it -- he said, "Had these erstwhile experts" -- he was talking about people criticizing the efforts to help Japan realize the blessings of a free society -- he said, "Had these erstwhile experts had their way, the very notion of inducing a democratic revolution would have died of ridicule at an early stage." Instead, I think it's important to look at what happened. A democratic Japan has brought peace and prosperity to its people. Its foreign trade and investment have helped jump-start the economies of others in the region. The alliance between our two nations is the lynchpin for freedom and stability throughout the Pacific. And I want you to listen carefully to this final point: Japan has transformed from America's enemy in the ideological struggle of the 20th century to one of America's strongest allies in the ideological struggle of the 21st century. (Applause.) Critics also complained when America intervened to save South Korea from communist invasion. Then as now, the critics argued that the war was futile, that we should never have sent our troops in, or they argued that America's intervention was divisive here at home. After the North Koreans crossed the 38th Parallel in 1950, President Harry Truman came to the defense of the South -- and found himself attacked from all sides. From the left, I.F. Stone wrote a book suggesting that the South Koreans were the real aggressors and that we had entered the war on a false pretext. From the right, Republicans vacillated. Initially, the leader of the Republican Party in the Senate endorsed Harry Truman's action, saying, "I welcome the indication of a more definite policy" -- he went on to say, "I strongly hope that having adopted it, the President may maintain it intact," then later said "it was a mistake originally to go into Korea because it meant a land war." Throughout the war, the Republicans really never had a clear position. They never could decide whether they wanted the United States to withdraw from the war in Korea, or expand the war to the Chinese mainland. Others complained that our troops weren't getting the support from the government. One Republican senator said, the effort was just "bluff and bluster." He rejected calls to come together in a time of war, on the grounds that "we will not allow the cloak of national unity to be wrapped around horrible blunders." Many in the press agreed. One columnist in The Washington Post said, "The fact is that the conduct of the Korean War has been shot through with errors great and small." A colleague wrote that "Korea is an open wound. It's bleeding and there's no cure for it in sight." He said that the American people could not understand "why Americans are doing about 95 percent of the fighting in Korea." Many of these criticisms were offered as reasons for abandoning our commitments in Korea. And while it's true the Korean War had its share of challenges, the United States never broke its word. Today, we see the result of a sacrifice of people in this room in the stark contrast of life on the Korean Peninsula. Without Americans' intervention during the war and our willingness to stick with the South Koreans after the war, millions of South Koreans would now be living under a brutal and repressive regime. The Soviets and Chinese communists would have learned the lesson that aggression pays. The world would be facing a more dangerous situation. The world would be less peaceful. Instead, South Korea is a strong, democratic ally of the United States of America. South Korean troops are serving side-by-side with American forces in Afghanistan and in Iraq. And America can count on the free people of South Korea to be lasting partners in the ideological struggle we're facing in the beginning of the 21st century. (Applause.) For those of you who served in Korea, thank you for your sacrifice, and thank you for your service. (Applause.) Finally, there's Vietnam. This is a complex and painful subject for many Americans. The tragedy of Vietnam is too large to be contained in one speech. So I'm going to limit myself to one argument that has particular significance today. Then as now, people argued the real problem was America's presence and that if we would just withdraw, the killing would end. The argument that America's presence in Indochina was dangerous had a long pedigree. In 1955, long before the United States had entered the war, Graham Greene wrote a novel called, "The Quiet American." It was set in Saigon, and the main character was a young government agent named Alden Pyle. He was a symbol of American purpose and patriotism -- and dangerous naivete. Another character describes Alden this way: "I never knew a man who had better motives for all the trouble he caused." After America entered the Vietnam War, the Graham Greene argument gathered some steam. As a matter of fact, many argued that if we pulled out there would be no consequences for the Vietnamese people. In 1972, one antiwar senator put it this way: "What earthly difference does it make to nomadic tribes or uneducated subsistence farmers in Vietnam or Cambodia or Laos, whether they have a military dictator, a royal prince or a socialist commissar in some distant capital that they've never seen and may never heard of?" A columnist for The New York Times wrote in a similar vein in 1975, just as Cambodia and Vietnam were falling to the communists: "It's difficult to imagine," he said, "how their lives could be anything but better with the Americans gone." A headline on that story, date Phnom Penh, summed up the argument: "Indochina without Americans: For Most a Better Life." The world would learn just how costly these misimpressions would be. In Cambodia, the Khmer Rouge began a murderous rule in which hundreds of thousands of Cambodians died by starvation and torture and execution. In Vietnam, former allies of the United States and government workers and intellectuals and businessmen were sent off to prison camps, where tens of thousands perished. Hundreds of thousands more fled the country on rickety boats, many of them going to their graves in the South China Sea. Three decades later, there is a legitimate debate about how we got into the Vietnam War and how we left. There's no debate in my mind that the veterans from Vietnam deserve the high praise of the United States of America. (Applause.) Whatever your position is on that debate, one unmistakable legacy of Vietnam is that the price of America's withdrawal was paid by millions of innocent citizens whose agonies would add to our vocabulary new terms like "boat people," "re-education camps," and "killing fields." There was another price to our withdrawal from Vietnam, and we can hear it in the words of the enemy we face in today's struggle -- those who came to our soil and killed thousands of citizens on September the 11th, 2001. In an interview with a Pakistani newspaper after the 9/11 attacks, Osama bin Laden declared that "the American people had risen against their government's war in Vietnam. And they must do the same today." His number two man, Zawahiri, has also invoked Vietnam. In a letter to al Qaeda's chief of operations in Iraq, Zawahiri pointed to "the aftermath of the collapse of the American power in Vietnam and how they ran and left their agents." Zawahiri later returned to this theme, declaring that the Americans "know better than others that there is no hope in victory. The Vietnam specter is closing every outlet." Here at home, some can argue our withdrawal from Vietnam carried no price to American credibility -- but the terrorists see it differently. We must remember the words of the enemy. We must listen to what they say. Bin Laden has declared that "the war [in Iraq] is for you or us to win. If we win it, it means your disgrace and defeat forever." Iraq is one of several fronts in the war on terror -- but it's the central front -- it's the central front for the enemy that attacked us and wants to attack us again. And it's the central front for the United States and to withdraw without getting the job done would be devastating. (Applause.) If we were to abandon the Iraqi people, the terrorists would be emboldened, and use their victory to gain new recruits. As we saw on September the 11th, a terrorist safe haven on the other side of the world can bring death and destruction to the streets of our own cities. Unlike in Vietnam, if we withdraw before the job is done, this enemy will follow us home. And that is why, for the security of the United States of America, we must defeat them overseas so we do not face them in the United States of America. (Applause.) Recently, two men who were on the opposite sides of the debate over the Vietnam War came together to write an article. One was a member of President Nixon's foreign policy team, and the other was a fierce critic of the Nixon administration's policies. Together they wrote that the consequences of an American defeat in Iraq would be disastrous. Here's what they said: "Defeat would produce an explosion of euphoria among all the forces of Islamist extremism, throwing the entire Middle East into even greater upheaval. The likely human and strategic costs are appalling to contemplate. Perhaps that is why so much of the current debate seeks to ignore these consequences." I believe these men are right. In Iraq, our moral obligations and our strategic interests are one. So we pursue the extremists wherever we find them and we stand with the Iraqis at this difficult hour -- because the shadow of terror will never be lifted from our world and the American people will never be safe until the people of the Middle East know the freedom that our Creator meant for all. (Applause.) I recognize that history cannot predict the future with absolute certainty. I understand that. But history does remind us that there are lessons applicable to our time. And we can learn something from history. In Asia, we saw freedom triumph over violent ideologies after the sacrifice of tens of thousands of American lives -- and that freedom has yielded peace for generations. The American military graveyards across Europe attest to the terrible human cost in the fight against Nazism. They also attest to the triumph of a continent that today is whole, free, and at peace. The advance of freedom in these lands should give us confidence that the hard work we are doing in the Middle East can have the same results we've seen in Asia and elsewhere -- if we show the same perseverance and the same sense of purpose. In a world where the terrorists are willing to act on their twisted beliefs with sickening acts of barbarism, we must put faith in the timeless truths about human nature that have made us free. Across the Middle East, millions of ordinary citizens are tired of war, they're tired of dictatorship and corruption, they're tired of despair. They want societies where they're treated with dignity and respect, where their children have the hope for a better life. They want nations where their faiths are honored and they can worship in freedom. And that is why millions of Iraqis and Afghans turned out to the polls -- millions turned out to the polls. And that's why their leaders have stepped forward at the risk of assassination. And that's why tens of thousands are joining the security forces of their nations. These men and women are taking great risks to build a free and peaceful Middle East -- and for the sake of our own security, we must not abandon them. There is one group of people who understand the stakes, understand as well as any expert, anybody in America -- those are the men and women in uniform. Through nearly six years of war, they have performed magnificently. (Applause.) Day after day, hour after hour, they keep the pressure on the enemy that would do our citizens harm. They've overthrown two of the most brutal tyrannies of the world, and liberated more than 50 million citizens. (Applause.) In Iraq, our troops are taking the fight to the extremists and radicals and murderers all throughout the country. Our troops have killed or captured an average of more than 1,500 al Qaeda terrorists and other extremists every month since January of this year. (Applause.) We're in the fight. Today our troops are carrying out a surge that is helping bring former Sunni insurgents into the fight against the extremists and radicals, into the fight against al Qaeda, into the fight against the enemy that would do us harm. They're clearing out the terrorists out of population centers, they're giving families in liberated Iraqi cities a look at a decent and hopeful life. Our troops are seeing this progress that is being made on the ground. And as they take the initiative from the enemy, they have a question: Will their elected leaders in Washington pull the rug out from under them just as they're gaining momentum and changing the dynamic on the ground in Iraq? Here's my answer is clear: We'll support our troops, we'll support our commanders, and we will give them everything they need to succeed. (Applause.) Despite the mistakes that have been made, despite the problems we have encountered, seeing the Iraqis through as they build their democracy is critical to keeping the American people safe from the terrorists who want to attack us. It is critical work to lay the foundation for peace that veterans have done before you all. A free Iraq is not going to be perfect. A free Iraq will not make decisions as quickly as the country did under the dictatorship. Many are frustrated by the pace of progress in Baghdad, and I can understand this. As I noted yesterday, the Iraqi government is distributing oil revenues across its provinces despite not having an oil revenue law on its books, that the parliament has passed about 60 pieces of legislation. Prime Minister Maliki is a good guy, a good man with a difficult job, and I support him. And it's not up to politicians in Washington, D.C. to say whether he will remain in his position -- that is up to the Iraqi people who now live in a democracy, and not a dictatorship. (Applause.) A free Iraq is not going to transform the Middle East overnight. But a free Iraq will be a massive defeat for al Qaeda, it will be an example that provides hope for millions throughout the Middle East, it will be a friend of the United States, and it's going to be an important ally in the ideological struggle of the 21st century. (Applause.) Prevailing in this struggle is essential to our future as a nation. And the question now that comes before us is this: Will today's generation of Americans resist the allure of retreat, and will we do in the Middle East what the veterans in this room did in Asia? The journey is not going to be easy, as the veterans fully understand. At the outset of the war in the Pacific, there were those who argued that freedom had seen its day and that the future belonged to the hard men in Tokyo. A year and a half before the attack on Pearl Harbor, Japan's Foreign Minister gave a hint of things to come during an interview with a New York newspaper. He said, "In the battle between democracy and totalitarianism the latter adversary will without question win and will control the world. The era of democracy is finished, the democratic system bankrupt." In fact, the war machines of Imperial Japan would be brought down -- brought down by good folks who only months before had been students and farmers and bank clerks and factory hands. Some are in the room today. Others here have been inspired by their fathers and grandfathers and uncles and cousins. That generation of Americans taught the tyrants a telling lesson: There is no power like the power of freedom and no soldier as strong as a soldier who fights for a free future for his children. (Applause.) And when America's work on the battlefield was done, the victorious children of democracy would help our defeated enemies rebuild, and bring the taste of freedom to millions. We can do the same for the Middle East. Today the violent Islamic extremists who fight us in Iraq are as certain of their cause as the Nazis, or the Imperial Japanese, or the Soviet communists were of theirs. They are destined for the same fate. (Applause.) The greatest weapon in the arsenal of democracy is the desire for liberty written into the human heart by our Creator. So long as we remain true to our ideals, we will defeat the extremists in Iraq and Afghanistan. We will help those countries' peoples stand up functioning democracies in the heart of the broader Middle East. And when that hard work is done and the critics of today recede from memory, the cause of freedom will be stronger, a vital region will be brighter, and the American people will be safer.
Thank you, and God bless.
(Applause.) (Return to top) Israel Volunteer Corps... (Continued from above) Establishing a National-Civilian Service Administration in Israel Government Resolution It is hereby resolved: 1. Further to Government Resolution No. 1215 of 18.2.2007, to adopt the recommendations of the Director General of the Prime Minister's Office through Dr. Reuben Gal (hereafter – "Projector"), appointed in order to implement the principles of the interim report presented by the Ivri Committee, and in order to bring the National-Civilian Service Administration into effect by September 2007. 2. Following are the principle recommendations of the Director General of the Prime Minister's Office: a. To create a single administration for both National and Civilian Service (hereafter – "Administration"), through which youth volunteers, Israeli citizens of all sectors, who are not serving in the security system as demanded by law, will contribute a year or two of their lives to community-civic activity which will strengthen society as a whole and the weak sectors especially, enforcing the connection and identification of the young citizens with the community, society, and State, strengthen their professional abilities and prepare them for future employment, as well as develop their character and leadership.
b. To determine that the
following fundamental
assumptions will constitute a
basis for serving in the
National-Civilian Service:
c. To determine that
National-Civilian Service will
operate under the following
principles:
d. To determine that the
National-Civilian Service
Administration will operate in
the following way: (Return to top) |
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