Kristallnacht: Prelude to Destruction by
Sir Martin Gilbert, HarperCollins Books, 2006, 314 pages, $21.95
By Donald H. Harrison
SAN DIEGO, Calif.— The name of Sir Martin Gilbert sells
this book. He is deservedly renowned both as a biographer of Winston Churchill
and a historian of the Holocaust. Elie Wiesel, himself, gives this latest book
his hechsher. However, one is forced to wonder whether HarperCollins
would have chosen to publish it if someone else had been the author.
It starts off compellingly enough with an account of Herschel Grynszpan, in
Paris, reading a letter from his sister Berta about how she and their parents
were summarily expelled at the end of October from their home in Hanover and
dumped by Nazi storm troopers on the border of Poland, the nation from which
Grynszpan's parents had immigrated. Poland—which could vie with Germany for
being the most anti-Semitic nation in Europe— refused to accept the Grynszpan
family nor thousands of other suddenly dislocated Jewish refugees. Many of
these Jews were trapped at the frontier, with some being forced to camp
without protection from the elements at a freezing border station in Zbaszyn.
In her letter, Berta pleaded for Herschel, 17, to send some money from France to
help his family. Instead, according to Gilbert's account, he used his cash
to purchase a pistol, and on November 7, 1938, walked into the German Embassy in
Paris, asking to see the ambassador. He was shunted off to the office of
the Third Secretary, whom he promptly fired at five times "in the name of
12,000 persecuted Jews."
Ernst vom Rath didn't die immediately. He lasted two days—long enough
for all of Germany to be roiled up by a Nazi campaign that had been waiting for
just such an incident. Adolf Hitler sent his personal physicians to look
after vom Rath, and newspapers said the assassination typified crimes against
the German people by Jews.
Given the attention Gilbert devotes to the assassination, it is surprising that
the historian never tells what happened to Grynszpan or to his family after his
immediate arrest for the shooting. Maybe Gilbert didn't want to get sidetracked,
as that is a murky story with different versions. In one Grynszpan survived the
war, and returned to Paris to live under an assumed identity. In the
other, he was killed sometime after the Germans captured Paris. There was also
debate over Grynszpan's motives. While Gilbert told the most popular
version, that Grynszpan was angry over the way Nazis treated the Jews, another
version was that vom Rath was one of the better known homosexuals in Paris's café
society and that Grynszpan had been his boy toy. What possible difference
could that have made? Simply that the assassination the Germans used as an
excuse to rampage against the Jews might have been personal rather than
political.
A day after vom Rath was shot, an order was issued in Germany forbidding Jewish
children to attend public schools anywhere in the country—another in a long
series of restrictions aimed against the Jews since Hitler had become Reich
Chancellor in 1933. On the same day, numerous Jews incarcerated at
Buchenwald concentration camp were murdered. After vom Rath died on
November 9, all hell broke out in Germany. That night and into the following
morning, synagogues, Jewish businesses and residences were burned down or
vandalized, and Jews were beaten up by mobs as police and firefighters—who
were co-conspirators with the mobs— stood by.
It was Kristallnacht—the day that many historians, including Gilbert,
consider to be the beginning of the Holocaust.
In painful detail, Gilbert quotes eye witness accounts of the torchings and
beatings in cities and hamlets throughout Germany. The eye-witness
accounts from "every corner of the Reich" are startlingly
similar, proving, if proof were needed, that these were orchestrated riots, not
spontaneous ones. The incidents were so similar, in
fact, one wonders why Gilbert didn't simply summarize them and put specific
instances in an appendix, rather than forcing the reader to slog through
what essentially was repetitive information page after page after page.
Although Gilbert provides mountains of specific details, there is little
in this section advancing our overall knowledge of Kristallnacht. Account
after account of what Nazi thugs did in town after town dulls the reader's
senses. Okay, okay, we silently remonstrate with the book in our hands, we
get the picture. Now what point do you wish to make about all this?
In subsequent chapters, Gilbert flashes back to the harsh laws that Hitler had
decreed against the Jews in the years leading up to the Holocaust, and about the
refusal of many western countries to expand immigration quotas to rescue the
Jews. While the pre-Kristallnacht history is familiar to anyone who has gone to
a Holocaust museum, Gilbert's section on the efforts of rescuers deserves
commendation. He gives considerable attention and context to diplomats and
civilian workers like Captain Frank Foley of Great Britain, Varian Fry of the
United States, Feng Shan Ho of China, and Aristides de Sousa Mendes of Portugal,
who did their best to get as many Jews as possible out of Europe.
Gilbert also spends some effort, but not nearly as much as necessary, relating
the story of such malevolent American bureaucrats as Cordell Hull and
Breckenridge Long who conspired to block escape routes to the Western Hemisphere
for the Jews. Why these men were so hostile to the Jews that they helped
guarantee their annihilation is a scab on the American body politic requiring
historic biopsy.
Gilbert's book later moves into an examination of the deportations of Jews from
Germany and Austria to the killing camps of Latvia and other death
factories. Throughout this section, Gilbert reminds us that the synagogue
in this or that town had previously been destroyed during Kristtallnacht, but I
was never sure why he made such a point of this. The Nazis wanted to kill
all Jews, whether their mobs had destroyed the synagogues in their towns
first or not.
Why does Gilbert repeatedly make the connection? Was it simply a
historian's way of bragging, ""see here—here's another town where
the Kristallnacht atrocities have been documented in my research."?
Or was it a way to link the title of his book with the events that came
afterwards? Whatever the explanation, the writing seemed quite forced.
The verdict? This, assuredly, is not one of Sir Martin Gilbert's
best efforts.
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