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By Ira Sharkansky
 JERUSALEM— The commotion in Jerusalem reminds me once again about the lack of understanding on the borders of different cultures.
It is not only that secular Israelis have trouble understanding the escalation of anger that appears to have been in defense of a woman who starved her son. Asking why leads one into the communities of the ghetto, a why about the motivation within the woman's congregation (Toldot Aharon), and another why about members of other congregations, often rivals of Toldot Aharon, who joined in the protest and went to the street to burn trash and throw stones at the police and other outsiders.
We cannot answer those questions with any certainty.
Insiders will not confide with outsiders. They may not even condescend to talk with a secular Israeli who does not speak Yiddish.
A leading expert on the ultra-Orthodox is a religious Jew who does speak Yiddish. He once told me that there are congregations he cannot penetrate. They are like small tribes on a South Sea island. No one on the outside knows what happens on the inside.
Part of his problem is an affiliation with a university. The ultra-Orthodox do not attend university, and many of them shun individuals associated with universities. A distant cousin who studied at a university may lower the value of a young man looking for a wife in the ghetto.
There is a passage in the Talmud that sheds light on this antagonism to universities. "Cursed be the person who teaches his son Greek wisdom." (Bava Kama 82b)
This diatribe of mine has relevance far beyond the ghetto that is two miles from these fingers.
It is relevant to recent articles in the western press about the problems of the United States in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan.
The articles quote experts who criticize other experts for their mistakes. The Americans did not use enough troops; they dealt with the wrong individuals who claimed to be leaders; they did not do enough, or the right things, to win the confidence of the people. If only the Americans had done it differently they would have been able to transform those places into societies that could manage themselves in a way acceptable to the United States.
Nonsense.
My own experiences have taught me that it is possible to establish rapport and warm friendships across a cultural divide, without coming to understand some of what is crucial in motivating a friend. The situation is more difficult for politicians and technocrats of one culture who seek to influence those of another. Israelis have tried and failed in
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several efforts to influence Palestinians they have lived close to for more than a century. Current thinking is that it is wisest to keep one's distance, build a wall, and threaten the other with draconian actions if their violence becomes intolerable.
When western politicians and experts claim that they know better than other western politicians and experts how to manage distant cultures, I hear the language of political and professional competition between those claiming to know what should be done. I do not perceive that President Obama or his Jewish advisers understand Israel. Americans are further from understanding cultures more different from their own.
What should Israel do about the ghetto?
As little as possible.|
Heroic speakers from the ghetto and the anti-ghetto are calling for absolute victory. One rabbi says that his people must defend their independence to the last drop of blood. An outsider calls for a conquest of the ghetto and the imposition of Israeli law.
It is best to attempt neither.
I will not justify what occurs in the ghetto. I avoid it as much as possible. I can recall prolonged conversations with ultra-Orthodox Jews, some of whom I thought of as friends. The buses I take to the city center pass through the ghetto. I rub shoulders with its residents, insofar as the buses tend to be crowded while in the ghetto. I ask help if I am looking for something in their neighborhood, but I avoid saying anything that is likely to cause a dispute.
There is enough movement into and out of the ghetto to recognize that it is not entirely closed, and is not a prison. Individuals who want such a life can enter, although they may be viewed with suspicion for years. Individuals born in the ghetto can leave. They may or may not be able to maintain the degree of closeness with family members that they want.
It is unlikely that Israel could impose itself on the ghetto at anything like an acceptable cost in money or unpleasantness. It is even more unlikely that officials would agree to make the attempt, given the ghetto's representation in the Knesset. Sixty years ago David ben Gurion established a settlement with the ghetto of his time. He defined terms of disengagement that--more or less--still prevail. Hopefully, Israelis have learned to apply that lesson to their dealings with the Palestinians. Americans might consider the example when thinking about Israelis, Arabs, and other Muslims.
None of this negates the possibility of individuals from one culture influencing those of another. Yet the process is likely to be indirect, long term, and may work only on individuals who are inclined to be influenced. That the Obama family is living in the White House is one example of what can happen over the course of generations. Ira and Varda have learned to live well together despite different origins. A passage from a student's thesis is relevant. He noted the problems of secular and university educated Arabs in dealing with Israeli officials, but even greater problems in dealing with their families.
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It is enlightening and pleasant to live alongside others and to visit distant places. Experience should caution against trying to remake them in one's own image.
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